投稿
Life is...
삶이란...
Imagine life as a game in which you are juggling five balls in the air.
인생을 공중에서 5개의 공을 돌리는 것(저글링)이라고 상상해보자
You name them: work, family, health, friends, and spirit, and you"re keeping all of them in the air.
각각의 공을 일, 가족, 건강, 친구, 그리고 영혼(나)이라 명명하고, 모두 공중에서 돌리고 있다고 생각하자
You will soon understand that work is a rubber ball. If you drop it, it will bounce back.
조만간 당신은 일이라는 공은 고무공이어서 떨어뜨리더라도 바로 튀어 오른다는 것을 알게될 것이다
But the other four balls - family, health, friends, and spirit are made of glass.
그러나 다른 4개의 공들(가족, 건강, 친구, 그리고 영혼(나))은 유리로 되어 있다는 것도 알게될 것이다
If you drop one of these, they will be irrevocably scuffed, marked, nicked, damaged, or even shattered. They will never be the same.
만일 당신이 이중 하나라도 떨어뜨리게 되면 떨어진 공들은 닳고, 상처입고, 긁히고, 깨지고, 흩어져 버려 다시는 전과 같이 될 수 없을 것이다
You must understand that and strive for balance in your life.
당신은 이 사실을 이해하고, 당신의 인생에서 이 5개의 공들의 균형을 갖도록 노력해야 한다
How?
그럼 어떻게 균형을 유지할 수 있단 말인가?
Don"t undermine your worth by comparing yourself with others. It is because we are different that each of us is special.
자신을 다른 사람들과 비교함으로써 당신 자신을 과소 평가하지 말라 왜냐하면 우리들 각자는 모두 다르고 특별한 존재이기 때문이다
Don"t set your goals by what other people deem important. Only you know what is best for you.
당신의 목표를 다른 사람들이 중요하다고 생각하는 것들에 두지 말고, 자신에게 가장 최선이라고 생각되는 것에 두어라
Don"t take for granted the things closest to your heart Cling to them as your life, for without them, life is
meaningless.
당신 마음에 가장 가까이 있는 것들을 당연하게 생각하지 말라 당신의 삶처럼 그것들에 충실하라 그것들이 없는 당신의 삶은 무의미하다
Don"t let life slip through your fingers by living in the past or for the future.
By living your life one day at a time, you live All the days of your life
과거나 미래에 집착해 당신의 삶이 손가락 사이로 빠져나가게 하지 말라
당신의 삶이 하루에 한번인 것처럼 삶으로써 인생의 모든 날들을 살게 되는 것이다
Don"t give up when you still have something to give.
Nothing is really over until the moment you stop trying.
아직 줄 수 있는 것이 남아 있다면 결코 포기하지 말라
당신이 노력을 멈추지 않는 한 아무 것도 진정으로 끝난 것은 없다
Don"t be afraid to admit that you are less than perfect.
It is this fragile thread that binds us together.
당신이 완전하지 못하다는 것을 인정하기를 두려워 말라
우리들을 구속하는 것이 바로 이 덧없는 두려움이다
Don"t be afraid to encounter risks. It is by taking chances that we learn to be brave.
위험에 부딪히기를 두려워 말고, 용기를 배울 수 있는 기회로 삼으라
Don"t shut love out of your life by saying it"s impossible to find.
The quickest way to receive love is to give;
the fastest way to lose love is to hold it too tightly; and the best way to keep love is to give it wings.
찾을 수 없다고 말함으로써 당신의 인생에서 사랑의 문을 닫지 말라
사랑을 얻는 가장 빠른 길은 주는 것이고, 사랑을 잃는 가장 빠른 길은 사랑을 너무 꽉 쥐고 놓지 않는 것이며, 사랑을 유지하는 최선의 길은 그 사랑에 날개를 달아 주는 것이다
Don"t run through life so fast that you forget not only where you"ve been, but also where you are going.
당신이 어디에 있는지, 어디를 향해 가고 있는지도 모를 정도로 바쁘게 살진 말라
Don"t forget that a person"s greatest emotional need is to feel appreciated.
사람이 가장 필요로 하는 감정은 다른 이들이 당신에게 고맙다고 느끼는 그것이다
Don"t use time or words carelessly. Neither can be retrieved.
시간이나 말을 함부로 사용하지 말라. 둘다 다시는 주워 담을 수 없다
Life is not a race, but a journey to be savored each step of the way.
인생은 경주가 아니라 그 길의 한걸음 한걸음을 음미하는 여행이다
Yesterday is History, Tomorrow is a Mystery, and Today is a gift; that"s why we call it - the Present...
어제는 역사이고, 내일은 미스테리이며, 그리고 오늘은 선물이다 그렇기에 우리는 현재(present)를 선물(present)이라고 말한다.
2009年8月29日土曜日
2009年8月20日木曜日
I Like It When You're Quiet-
暑いですね、でも夜中はかなり涼しいです。窓開け放しにして寝ていたら少し風邪引きました。Hmmm,
夏風邪もすごいですね～～気を付けなきゃ、水をたくさん飲んで早めに寝て起きれば元気になると思われます。
さて、気分転換にチリの政治詩人パブロ・ネルーダが書いた詩「 黙っているときのおまえが好きだ」 を鑑賞しましょう。内容はスペイン語と英語版しかないですが、次回時間のあるとき、日本語に訳してみます。
Me gustas cuando callas porque estás como ausente,
y me oyes desde lejos, y mi voz no te toca.
Parece que los ojos se te hubieran volado
y parece que un beso te cerrara la boca.
Como todas las cosas están llenas de mi alma
emerges de las cosas, llena del alma mía.
Mariposa de sueño, te pareces a mi alma,
y te pareces a la palabra melancolía.
Me gustas cuando callas y estás como distante.
Y estás como quejándote, mariposa en arrullo.
Y me oyes desde lejos, y mi voz no te alcanza:
déjame que me calle con el silencio tuyo.
Déjame que te hable también con tu silencio
claro como una lámpara, simple como un anillo.
Eres como la noche, callada y constelada.
Tu silencio es de estrella, tan lejano y sencillo.
Me gustas cuando callas porque estás como ausente.
Distante y dolorosa como si hubieras muerto.
Una palabra entonces, una sonrisa bastan.
Y estoy alegre, alegre de que no sea cierto.
like it when you're quiet, It's as is you weren't here now,
and you heard me from a distance, and my voice couldn't reach you.
It's as if your eyes had flown away from you, and as if your mouth were closed because I leaned to kiss you.
Just as all living things are filled with my soul,
You emerge from all living things filled with the soul of me.
It's as if, a butterfly in dreams, you were my soul,
and as if you were the soul's word, melancholy.
I like it when you are quiet. It's as if you'd gone away now.
And you'd become the keening, the butterfly's insistence.
And you heard me from a distance and my voice didn't reach you:
it's then that what I want is to be quiet with your silence.
Let me come to be still in your silence.
And let me talk to you with your silence
that is brightas a lamp,simple as a ring.
You are like the night, with it's stillness and constellations.
Your silence is that of a star, as remore and candid. I like it when you're quiet. It's as if you weren't here now.
distant and fullof sorrow as though you had died.
One word then,one smile,is enough. And I am happy, happy that it's not true.
夏風邪もすごいですね～～気を付けなきゃ、水をたくさん飲んで早めに寝て起きれば元気になると思われます。
さて、気分転換にチリの政治詩人パブロ・ネルーダが書いた詩「 黙っているときのおまえが好きだ」 を鑑賞しましょう。内容はスペイン語と英語版しかないですが、次回時間のあるとき、日本語に訳してみます。
Me gustas cuando callas porque estás como ausente,
y me oyes desde lejos, y mi voz no te toca.
Parece que los ojos se te hubieran volado
y parece que un beso te cerrara la boca.
Como todas las cosas están llenas de mi alma
emerges de las cosas, llena del alma mía.
Mariposa de sueño, te pareces a mi alma,
y te pareces a la palabra melancolía.
Me gustas cuando callas y estás como distante.
Y estás como quejándote, mariposa en arrullo.
Y me oyes desde lejos, y mi voz no te alcanza:
déjame que me calle con el silencio tuyo.
Déjame que te hable también con tu silencio
claro como una lámpara, simple como un anillo.
Eres como la noche, callada y constelada.
Tu silencio es de estrella, tan lejano y sencillo.
Me gustas cuando callas porque estás como ausente.
Distante y dolorosa como si hubieras muerto.
Una palabra entonces, una sonrisa bastan.
Y estoy alegre, alegre de que no sea cierto.
like it when you're quiet, It's as is you weren't here now,
and you heard me from a distance, and my voice couldn't reach you.
It's as if your eyes had flown away from you, and as if your mouth were closed because I leaned to kiss you.
Just as all living things are filled with my soul,
You emerge from all living things filled with the soul of me.
It's as if, a butterfly in dreams, you were my soul,
and as if you were the soul's word, melancholy.
I like it when you are quiet. It's as if you'd gone away now.
And you'd become the keening, the butterfly's insistence.
And you heard me from a distance and my voice didn't reach you:
it's then that what I want is to be quiet with your silence.
Let me come to be still in your silence.
And let me talk to you with your silence
that is brightas a lamp,simple as a ring.
You are like the night, with it's stillness and constellations.
Your silence is that of a star, as remore and candid. I like it when you're quiet. It's as if you weren't here now.
distant and fullof sorrow as though you had died.
One word then,one smile,is enough. And I am happy, happy that it's not true.
2009年8月5日水曜日
Is Germany the new Japan???
Europe's biggest economy is well on its way to making a key mistake
blamed for Japan's "lost decade" of economic stagnation in the 1990s by failing to clean up its banks decisively.
The obstacles are political rather than financial. Berlin seems determined to avoid telling voters the bad news before a Sept. 27 general election about banks' expected losses and the likely cost to the taxpayer.
Instead, the government is allowing banks to conceal or defer the full extent of losses on toxic securities and bad loans, and refusing to subject them to public stress tests or to force them to increase their capital. In doing so it risks perpetuating "zombie banks" that are too sick to lend to business and households.
"There are very strong political reasons for the policy paralysis," says Nicolas Veron of the Bruegel economic think-tank in Brussels. "Nothing can happen before the German election. But Japan waited a decade. We can wait three months."
It is no surprise that when the European Central Bank flooded Eurozone banks with 442 billion euros in liquidity last month, most preferred to deposit the money back with the ECB overnight or put it in safe government bonds rather than lending to the real economy.
Despite jawboning from ECB president Jean-Claude Trichet and threats by German Finance Minister Peer Steinbrueck, the banks are effectively on lending strike because their problem is not liquidity but solvency.
Anxious to avoid a credit crunch before the election, Steinbrueck failedto convince his European Union peers last week to suspend bank capitaladequacy rules pending reforms due later this year. He was also rebuffed bythe Bundesbank when he appeared to endorse the idea of the German centralbank lending directly to business to bypass a frozen capital market.
Banks are expecting more loans to go sour and heavier losses on impaired assets as the recession bites deeper, eating into their capital base.. Their instinct is to draw in their horns and reduce leverage, which got them into the mess in the first place.
The ECB's latest Financial Stability Review explains why. It estimates that Eurozone banks face a further $283 billion in write-downs by the end of 2010 on top of the $366 billion in losses written off since the crisis began in mid-2007. Rather than forcing banks to recognise those bad assets and remove them from their balance sheets, most Eurozone governments have been playing for time, seemingly hoping that something will turn up.
Close links between Germany's banks and its political establishment are another reason for reluctance to carry out painful restructuring. The regional Landesbanks and savings banks are key levers of political patronage. In an earlier role as state premier of North Rhine-Westphalia,Steinbrueck was a negotiator with the European Commission on behalf of WestLB [WDLG.UL] and other state-controlled Landesbanks. Of the private sector banks, Commerzbank is on government life support.
Germany's bad bank scheme for commercial and state banks is designed to stretch out the problem over the next two decades rather than resolve it.Banks may voluntarily put toxic assets into special purpose vehicles guaranteed by the state until maturity, paying an annual fee. But if the assets are worth less at the end than the price assessed by an independent valuer, the liability rests with the banks, not the taxpayer.
Italy, France, the Netherlands, Belgium and to a lesser extent Spain are all in denial about the extent of their banking problems, although the Dutch, Belgians and French have had to spend billions of euros of taxpayers' money to save Fortis, ABN Amro, ING and Dexia SA .
Spain has been bolder, creating a 99 billion euro bank rescue fund,expected to lead to a wave of restructuring, tie-ups and bail-outs after the country's housing bubble burst.So what does the Eurozone have to do to avoid a Japanese-style prolonged
period of stagnation with zombie banks?
Governments should start by telling voters and markets the truth abouttheir banks' exposures. Far from undermining confidence in all banks, as Steinbrueck contends, disclosure would restore trust in sound institutions and dispel general suspicion.
They should then compel banks that are found wanting to increase their equity capital, either from private investors if they can, or from the state if they must. This may lead to a temporary nationalisation of some sick banks, as Britain did with Royal Bank of Scotland. Ultimately,banks that are not viable must be broken up or closed down.
The European Commission's competition department and the Committee of European Banking Supervisors can provide pan-European political cover for governments that fear taxpayers' wrath at bailing out banks with public money.
The way should be clear once Germany has voted. It would be dangerous to delay any longer. As the Japanese example shows, procrastination merely increases the long-term pain.
By Paul Taylor
PARIS, July 13 (Reuters) -
blamed for Japan's "lost decade" of economic stagnation in the 1990s by failing to clean up its banks decisively.
The obstacles are political rather than financial. Berlin seems determined to avoid telling voters the bad news before a Sept. 27 general election about banks' expected losses and the likely cost to the taxpayer.
Instead, the government is allowing banks to conceal or defer the full extent of losses on toxic securities and bad loans, and refusing to subject them to public stress tests or to force them to increase their capital. In doing so it risks perpetuating "zombie banks" that are too sick to lend to business and households.
"There are very strong political reasons for the policy paralysis," says Nicolas Veron of the Bruegel economic think-tank in Brussels. "Nothing can happen before the German election. But Japan waited a decade. We can wait three months."
It is no surprise that when the European Central Bank flooded Eurozone banks with 442 billion euros in liquidity last month, most preferred to deposit the money back with the ECB overnight or put it in safe government bonds rather than lending to the real economy.
Despite jawboning from ECB president Jean-Claude Trichet and threats by German Finance Minister Peer Steinbrueck, the banks are effectively on lending strike because their problem is not liquidity but solvency.
Anxious to avoid a credit crunch before the election, Steinbrueck failedto convince his European Union peers last week to suspend bank capitaladequacy rules pending reforms due later this year. He was also rebuffed bythe Bundesbank when he appeared to endorse the idea of the German centralbank lending directly to business to bypass a frozen capital market.
Banks are expecting more loans to go sour and heavier losses on impaired assets as the recession bites deeper, eating into their capital base.. Their instinct is to draw in their horns and reduce leverage, which got them into the mess in the first place.
The ECB's latest Financial Stability Review explains why. It estimates that Eurozone banks face a further $283 billion in write-downs by the end of 2010 on top of the $366 billion in losses written off since the crisis began in mid-2007. Rather than forcing banks to recognise those bad assets and remove them from their balance sheets, most Eurozone governments have been playing for time, seemingly hoping that something will turn up.
Close links between Germany's banks and its political establishment are another reason for reluctance to carry out painful restructuring. The regional Landesbanks and savings banks are key levers of political patronage. In an earlier role as state premier of North Rhine-Westphalia,Steinbrueck was a negotiator with the European Commission on behalf of WestLB [WDLG.UL] and other state-controlled Landesbanks. Of the private sector banks, Commerzbank
Germany's bad bank scheme for commercial and state banks is designed to stretch out the problem over the next two decades rather than resolve it.Banks may voluntarily put toxic assets into special purpose vehicles guaranteed by the state until maturity, paying an annual fee. But if the assets are worth less at the end than the price assessed by an independent valuer, the liability rests with the banks, not the taxpayer.
Italy, France, the Netherlands, Belgium and to a lesser extent Spain are all in denial about the extent of their banking problems, although the Dutch, Belgians and French have had to spend billions of euros of taxpayers' money to save Fortis, ABN Amro, ING
Spain has been bolder, creating a 99 billion euro bank rescue fund,expected to lead to a wave of restructuring, tie-ups and bail-outs after the country's housing bubble burst.So what does the Eurozone have to do to avoid a Japanese-style prolonged
period of stagnation with zombie banks?
Governments should start by telling voters and markets the truth abouttheir banks' exposures. Far from undermining confidence in all banks, as Steinbrueck contends, disclosure would restore trust in sound institutions and dispel general suspicion.
They should then compel banks that are found wanting to increase their equity capital, either from private investors if they can, or from the state if they must. This may lead to a temporary nationalisation of some sick banks, as Britain did with Royal Bank of Scotland
The European Commission's competition department and the Committee of European Banking Supervisors can provide pan-European political cover for governments that fear taxpayers' wrath at bailing out banks with public money.
The way should be clear once Germany has voted. It would be dangerous to delay any longer. As the Japanese example shows, procrastination merely increases the long-term pain.
By Paul Taylor
PARIS, July 13 (Reuters) -
2009年8月3日月曜日
Power in the Networked Century
We live in a networked world. War is networked: the power of terrorists and the militaries that would defeat them depend on small, mobile groups of warriors connected to one another and to intelligence, communications, and support networks. Diplomacy is networked: managing international crises -- from SARS to climate change -- requires mobilizing international networks of public and private actors. Business is networked: every CEO advice manual published in the past decade has focused on the shift from the vertical world of hierarchy to the horizontal world of networks. Media are networked: online blogs and other forms of participatory media depend on contributions from readers to create a vast, networked conversation. Society is networked: the world of MySpace is creating a global world of "OurSpace," linking hundreds of millions of individuals across continents. Even religion is networked: as the pastor Rick Warren has argued, "The only thing big enough to solve the problems of spiritual emptiness, selfish leadership, poverty, disease, and ignorance is the network of millions of churches all around the world."
In this world, the measure of power is connectedness. Almost 30 years ago, the psychologist Carol Gilligan wrote about differences between the genders in their modes of thinking. She observed that men tend to see the world as made up of hierarchies of power and seek to get to the top, whereas women tend to see the world as containing webs of relationships and seek to move to the center. Gilligan's observations may be a function of nurture rather than nature; regardless, the two lenses she identified capture the differences between the twentieth-century and the twenty-first-century worlds.
The twentieth-century world was, at least in terms of geopolitics, a billiard-ball world, described by the political scientist Arnold Wolfers as a system of self-contained states colliding with one another. The results of these collisions were determined by military and economic power. This world still exists today: Russia invades Georgia, Iran seeks nuclear weapons, the United States strengthens its ties with India as a hedge against a rising China. This is what Fareed Zakaria, the editor of Newsweek International, has dubbed "the post-American world," in which the rise of new global powers inevitably means the relative decline of U.S. influence.
By Anne-Marie Slaughter
In this world, the measure of power is connectedness. Almost 30 years ago, the psychologist Carol Gilligan wrote about differences between the genders in their modes of thinking. She observed that men tend to see the world as made up of hierarchies of power and seek to get to the top, whereas women tend to see the world as containing webs of relationships and seek to move to the center. Gilligan's observations may be a function of nurture rather than nature; regardless, the two lenses she identified capture the differences between the twentieth-century and the twenty-first-century worlds.
The twentieth-century world was, at least in terms of geopolitics, a billiard-ball world, described by the political scientist Arnold Wolfers as a system of self-contained states colliding with one another. The results of these collisions were determined by military and economic power. This world still exists today: Russia invades Georgia, Iran seeks nuclear weapons, the United States strengthens its ties with India as a hedge against a rising China. This is what Fareed Zakaria, the editor of Newsweek International, has dubbed "the post-American world," in which the rise of new global powers inevitably means the relative decline of U.S. influence.
By Anne-Marie Slaughter
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